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The New Age of Empire takes us back to the beginning of the European Empires, outlining the deliberate terror and suffering wrought during every stage of the expansion, and destroys the self-congratulatory myth that the West was founded on the three great revolutions of science, industry and politics. Instead, genocide, slavery and colonialism are the key foundation stones upon which the West was built, and we are still living under this system today: America is now at the helm, perpetuating global inequality through business, government, and institutions like the UN, the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO. The West is rich because the Rest is poor. Capitalism is racism. The West congratulations itself on raising poverty by increments in the developing world while ignoring the fact that it created these conditions in the first place, and continues to perpetuate them. The Enlightenment, which underlies every part of our foundational philosophy today, was and is profoundly racist. This colonial logic was and is used to justify the ransacking of Black and brown bodies and their land. The fashionable solutions offered by the white Left in recent years fall far short of even beginning to tackle the West's place at the helm of a racist global order. Offering no easy answers, The New Age of Empire is essential reading to understand our profoundly corrupt global system. A work of essential clarity, The New Age of Empire is a groundbreaking new blueprint for taking Black Radical thought into the twenty-first century and beyond. --

"Back to Black traces the long and eminent history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today. At its core it argues that racism is inexorably embedded in the fabric of society, and that it can never be overcome unless by enacting change outside of this suffocating system. Yet this Black radical tradition has been diluted and moderated over time; wilfully misrepresented and caricatured by others; divested of its legacy, potency, inclusivity and force for global change. Kehinde Andrews explores the true roots of this tradition, and connects the dots to today's struggles by showing what a renewed politics of Black radicalism might look like in the 21st century."--Publisher's website

Dr Kehinde Andrews has appeared on BBC Newsnight (from 32 mins) to discuss his forthcoming book Back to Black: Retelling Black Radicalism. In a conversation with presenter Emily Maitlis, Dr Andrews explains the radical significance of the Haitian revolution, pan-Africanism and the politics of civil rights leader Malcolm X.

Back to Black traces the long and eminent history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today. At its core it argues that racism is inexorably embedded in the fabric of society, and that it can never be overcome unless by enacting change outside of this suffocating system. Yet this Black radical tradition has been diluted and moderated over time; wilfully misrepresented and caricatured by others; divested of its legacy, potency, inclusivity and force for global change. Kehinde Andrews explores the true roots of this tradition, and connects the dots to today's struggles by showing what a renewed politics of Black radicalism might look like in the 21st century.

Pan-Africanism is an identifiable movement with its own history and historical and ideological roots. It formally began at the first Pan-African Congress in London in 1900 and has a distinct linage up to the present day African Union. Unfortunately, the movement has not presented a challenge to imperial domination in Africa, rather it has helped continue the exploitation of the continent. Accepting the colonial nation state has prevented any politics of liberation from developing in the movement. It is central to decentre Pan-Africanism from radical histories of resistance because the movement developed in parallel to and rejection of more revolutionary, anti-imperial politics. Garveyism developed a mass movement rooted on the global Black nation, shattering the boundaries of Westphalian sovereignty. Malcolm X picked up the work of Garvey, developing on some of its regressive weakness to form the Organization of Afro-American Unity. By unpicking this tradition from Pan-Africanism we can begin to chart a route to revolutionary concepts and practice of nationalism that can present a challenge to the imperial social order.

Critical Whiteness studies has emerged as an academic discipline that has produced a lot of work and garnered attention in the last two decades. Central to this project is the idea that if the processes of Whiteness can be uncovered, then they can be reasoned with and overcome, through rationale dialogue. This article will argue, however, that Whiteness is a process rooted in the social structure, one that induces a form of psychosis framed by its irrationality, which is beyond any rational engagement. Drawing on a critical discourse analysis of the two only British big budget movies about transatlantic slavery, Amazing Grace and Belle, the article argues that such films serve as the celluloid hallucinations that reinforce the psychosis of Whiteness. The features of this discourse that arose from the analysis included the lack of Black agency, distancing Britain from the horrors of slavery, and downplaying the role of racism.

The Black Supplementary School Movement has a fifty-year tradition of resisting racism in Britain. Central to the movement is a construction of African Diasporic Blackness that is marginalized in British scholarship. 'Political blackness', based on the unity ethnic minority groups, is an important frame of reference in Britain. This article will examine the limitations of 'political blackness' in relation to research carried out in the Black Supplementary School Movement that involved interviews with key activists and an archival analysis of documents at the George Padmore Institute. Political blackness is based on an inaccurate understanding of the relationship between multiculturalism and anti-racism; a misreading of the complex and global nature of racism and a non-strategic essentialism. The concept also creates a form non-whiteism, which disempowers ethnic minority communities and works to delegitimize African Diasporic Blackness, which has a tradition of resisting racist oppression. © 2016 Taylor & Francis

The Black Power movement based the authenticity of Blackness on the position of the oppressed class, or what Malcolm X termed the Field Negro. This article examines the pitfalls of locating authenticity solely with the Black poor. The Black Panther Party aimed to attract as its members the lumpenproletariat, who would not back down from the struggle. This embrace of the 'Bad Nigger', a feature since enslavement, impacted on the party but also on the legacy of the movement. The strength to resist authority was seen as central but, in the absence of radical politics, the position has been taken over by a nihilistic outlook embodied in the emergence of the identity 'Nigga'. By examining conscious Hip Hop and Gangsta Rap it is argued that this identity helps to keep the community in check. Due to lumpen authenticity, however, the 'Good Nigga' is shielded from the accusation of 'tomming' and it is therefore necessary to rework a political definition of authenticity necessary to mobilise a new generation for resistance. This article necessarily uses the controversial N-word in different forms to explicate a political process and the way the term itself has been culturally embraced. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright, the Institute of Race Relations.]

The Black Power movement based the authenticity of Blackness on the position of the oppressed class, or what Malcolm X termed the Field Negro. This article examines the pitfalls of locating authenticity solely with the Black poor. The Black Panther Party aimed to attract as its members the lumpenproletariat, who would not back down from the struggle. This embrace of the 'Bad Nigger', a feature since enslavement, impacted on the party but also on the legacy of the movement. The strength to resist authority was seen as central but, in the absence of radical politics, the position has been taken over by a nihilistic outlook embodied in the emergence of the identity 'Nigga'. By examining conscious Hip Hop and Gangsta Rap it is argued that this identity helps to keep the community in check. Due to lumpen authenticity, however, the 'Good Nigga' is shielded from the accusation of 'tomming' and it is therefore necessary to rework a political definition of authenticity necessary to mobilise a new generation for resistance. This article necessarily uses the controversial N-word in different forms to explicate a political process and the way the term itself has been culturally embraced.